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Polemik Rokok Konvensional & Potensi Produk Tembakau Alternatif Di Indonesia

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Polemik Rokok Konvensional & Potensi Produk Tembakau Alternatif Di Indonesia

Buku ini dimaksudkan untuk menggali dan menjawab setidaknya tiga masalah utama tentang fenomena rokok dan merokok di masyarakat Indonesia. Pertama, tentang sejarah rokok dan budaya merokok di Indonesia, termasuk tentang bagaimana masyarakat dan pemerintah atau negara menilai, memandang, memersepsikan, mengonstruksikan, dan mengonseptualkan tentang produk rokok dan aktivitas merokok. Kedua, mengenai pro-kontra pandangan agama, ormas agama, dan agamawan (khususnya dari kalangan Islam) mengenai status hukum (Islam) atas aktivitas merokok. Ketiga, tentang “produk tembakau alternatif (smoke-free product)”, termasuk rokok elektrik (vape) maupun produk jenis heat-not-burn (produk tembakau yang dipanaskan bukan dibakar) yang dinilai oleh sejumlah ahli dan ilmuwan jauh lebih rendah bahaya dan risikonya ketimbang “rokok konvensional” karena tidak adanya proses pembakaran yang bisa memproduksi zat tar yang berbahaya bagi kesehatan tubuh. Jika berminat, silakan kontak WA: 082225129241 (Salam) | 082134000213 (Admin). Atau, silakan cari di https://elsaonline.com/

Islam & Kristen Di Ambon

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Buku ini, hasil dari penelitian lapangan di Maluku, membahas tentang sejarah dan dinamika konflik dan kekerasan Kristen-Muslim di Ambon serta propek perdamaian bagi kedua kelompok agama ini. Antara 1999 – 2005, kekerasan antara sekelompok Kristen dan Muslim mencuat di Ambon dan kawasan lain di Maluku. Beberapa tahun kemudian masih terjadi gejolak dan ketegangan antara kedua kelompok. Bagaimana pandangan masyarakat setempat atas konflik tersebut, upaya rekonsilasi kedua kelompok, serta harapan-harapan mereka terhadap masa depan perdamaian menjadi topik utama studi ini. Jika berminat, silakan kontak di link berikut ini atau kontak langsung penerbit (BPK Gunung Mulia) atau cari di Google.

Semar Dadi Ratu

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Semar Dadi Ratu

Buku ini membahas tentang sepak terjang almarhum Gus Dur (KH Abdurrahman Wahid) kala ia menjadi Presiden Republik Indonesian, 1999-2002. Ketika ia dipilih menjadi Presiden RI ke-4, banyak pujian sekaligus hujatan dari berbagai pihak lantaran program-program dan kebijakan politik, ekonomi, budaya, dan agama yang dianggap “revolusioner” sekaligus “kontroversial”.  Buku ini merekam dan menganalisis tentang pandangan, program, dan kebijakan yang ditorehkan oleh Gus Dur. Jika berminat, silakan kontak WA: 082225129241 (Salam) | 082134000213 (Admin). Atau, silakan cari di https://elsaonline.com/

Agama Di Panggung Kuasa

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Agama Di Panggung Kuasa

Buku ini mendiskusikan topik-topik yang dianggap sensitif seperti Islam dan sekularisme, masalah politisasi agama dan sebagainya serta mengajak publik untuk bersikap dewasa, cerdas, dan kritis (menggunakan critical thinking) dalam menyikapi dogma, tradisi, ajaran, dan fenomena sosial-keagamaan. Jika berminat, silakan kontak WA: 082225129241 (Salam)

Berguru Ke Kiai Bule

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Berguru Ke Kyai Bule

Tulisan-tulisan yang ditorehkan dalam buku ini adalah hasil pengalaman para santri hidup dan belajar di Barat. Kehadirannya ingin membuktikan bahwa kaum santri bukanlah kaum sarungan yang jago kandang. Mereka adalah orang-orang yang berani menerobos keluar kultur masyarakat tradisional untuk menyelami samudra pergaulan internasional. Mereka merupakan penerus para ulama yang memang telah memiliki tradisi mengembara mencari ilmu pengetahuan di mana pun berada. Di sisi lain, buku ini merupakan rekaman pertemuan dua kultur budaya yang berbeda, yakni kultur Islam tradisional Indonesia dan kultur modern Barat yang sekular. Maka, di dalamnya kita temukan kisah-kisah yang menarik. Dari santri yang asyik bergaul dengan orang-orang Meksiko yang sering dianggap biang kerok kejahatan, hingga mereka yang berjuang hebat menembus benteng kokoh akademi Barat demi mendapatkan beasiswa dan akses ke universitas prestisius. Pengalaman-pengalaman mereka ini layak dibaca siapa pun yang berjiwa petualang dan tak ingin disebut sebagai “kuper” alias kurang pergaulan. Buku ini tersedia di Bukalapak, Shopee dan lainnya.

Pancasila Day Sees Interfaith Gatherings Aimed at Uniting Indonesians

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BY : AMAL GANESHA AND TELLY NATHALIA
Jakarta/Yogyakarta (JUNE 02, 2018). People from diverse religious and cultural backgrounds, including Muslims, Christians and Buddhists, gathered for a Ramadan fast-breaking event at Jakarta Cathedral in the capital on Friday (02/06) as part of a Pancasila Day commemoration to strengthen solidarity between Indonesia’s various communities.
The official state ideology of Pancasila, which consists of five value principles, including freedom to practice religion, is celebrated on June 1 every year after its inception in 2017.
The first tenet of Pancasila is “belief in one God,” meaning that every Indonesian citizen has the right to practice the religion or belief they choose, although the state only recognizes Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Confucianism.
Representatives of various community groups, including Nahdlatul Ulama, the country’s largest Muslim organization, and Pustaka Bergerak, a group that provides a network of mobile libraries, were present to accompany Muslims performing iftar, or breaking the fast, as this year’s event coincided with Ramadan.
Leaders of the represented groups agreed that the gathering will show solidarity following the widely condemned terror attacks in Surabaya, East Java, last month, which claimed the lives of at least 23 people.
“We were shocked by the latest terror in Surabaya, but with this gathering we feel more secure now,” said Hani Rudi Hartoko, the head of Jakarta Cathedral.
“We’re now revitalizing a spirit of togetherness,” the Catholic priest added.
Also present was Alissa Qotrunnada Munawaroh, better known as Alissa Wahid, the eldest daughter of Indonesia’s fourth president, Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid.
“This event was initiated after we felt pain of the Surabaya attacks. We also feel the pain, and though the pain can last forever, at least we’re trying to fix that,” said Alissa, who represented GusDurian, a community group that upholds the values and beliefs of her late father.
“This gathering is also to show that Pancasila remains strong,” she said.
Police have confirmed that the Surabaya attacks were carried out by members of Islamic State-inspired group Jemaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD).
“They [terrorists] will all enter Hell,” James Smith Carrington, better known as Ustaz James, told the Jakarta Globe on the sideline of the gathering.
“It’s not true that they will enter Paradise after killing [innocent] people,” said the man who is also a member of both Nahdlatul Ulama and Majelis Ulama Indonesia.
James explained that Islam has always respected diversity, in line with Pancasila, from which Indonesia derives its national motto, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, or Unity in Diversity.
He reiterated that the gathering was held to confirm that value.
“In the Koran, it is stated that human beings are created different, to know each other well,” James said. “It’s impossible for everyone in this world to be of the same race, and religion,” he said.
“Indonesia is now experiencing an emergency of intolerance, as everyone feels they’re right, while they start to blame everyone else.
“It contradicts what happened in the past with the Prophet Muhammad and the Medina Charter.”
The Medina Charter is an agreement established in the city of Medina in seventh-century Arabia when the Prophet Muhammad welcomed people from other faiths, including Judaism and Christianity, to practice their religions freely in Islamic territory.
“Muhammad at the time was open to people from other faiths. He is known for having brought peace for all, or rahmatan lil alamin,” James said.
Yogyakarta Gathering
Separately, an interfaith gathering, which began with a discussion of how to appreciate Indonesia’s diversity, was also held at Sanata Dharma University in Yogyakarta on Friday to coincide with iftar.
Professor Sumanto al Qurtuby, the main speaker during the event, encouraged fellow Indonesians to protect the nation’s diversity.
He said increasing radicalism in Indonesia is due to a misinterpretation of Islamic teachings, a lack of knowledge and a misunderstanding by some Muslim leaders of Arabic culture, politics and society.
The cultural anthropologist said this contributes to a misguided society, especially among Indonesian Muslims, while people in the Middle East actually respect diversity.
“This [Indonesia] is our common home, for us to take care of together,” said Sumanto, who is a lecturer at King Fahd University in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia.
Also participating in the discussion was Bram Hasto, a Buddhist scholar who said the spirit of unity, as promoted by Pancasila and the national motto, should be preserved and strengthened.
The iftar event was initiated by Chattra Kebaya, a community group that seeks to preserve Indonesia’s cultural heritage in daily practice, especially in traditional fashion. It was also supported by Banser, the youth wing of Nahdlatul Ulama.
“We host this discussion because of our concern over the current political situation in Indonesia that is heating up in the leadup to the elections and because there are parties trying to politicize our diversity by driving a wedge between us,” said Christ Amadea Esti of Chattra Kebaya.
Sumanto, who is also a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama’s branches in the United States and Saudi Arabia, emphasized the protection of Indonesia’s diversity.
He said interreligious and intercultural gatherings will provide room for people to understand each other better and help reduce negative sentiment based on belief.
“Preserve the diversity, because that’s our extraordinary cultural asset,” he said.
Source: Jakarta Globe

Pluralism Needed to Preserve Indonesian Identity

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Yogyakarta (JUNE 03, 2018). Amid rising intolerance and sectarianism, there is an urgent need for embracing pluralist narratives to preserve Indonesia’s unique identity based on ethnic and religious diversity, a prominent academic said on Friday (01/06).
“We are an extremely diverse country, in terms of ethnicity, culture, religion and language, so we must not try to win over one another, this Earth belongs to all of us, it home to all of us. We must look after and preserve it together,” Sumanto Al Qurtuby said during an event at the Faculty of Theology of Sanata Dharma University in Yogyakarta.
Sumanto is an Indonesian professor of cultural anthropology, who teaches at the King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, and is a former research fellow of the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, United States.
He said divisions in society are not new to Indonesia, especially along the lines of religion.
“If we read about the developments of religion in our country, we will see feuds among different groups. This has been happening for a long time,” Sumanto told the audience.
The use of social media to spread intolerance is a challenge faced by many countries, Sumanto said. There are several types of groups that oppose diversity, and there are also many that promote it to different degrees.
Sumanto said that every individual has the capacity to change and affiliate with any group, as it solely depends on his or her personality. Therefore, conservatism as such is not a problem, because it is part of a normal human process.
Not religious views are important, but efforts to keep the country united.
“Whatever our ethnicity or religion, it is our shared responsibility to look after and preserve Indonesia,” Sumanto said.
The event, “Loving Diversity,” was organized by Sanata Dharma University and Chattra Kebaya, a community group focused on promoting Indonesian culture and traditional fashion.
Source: Jakarta Globe

A Conversation on Diversity With Sumanto Al Qurtuby

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Yogyakarta (JUNE 13, 2018). From Sabang to Merauke, Indonesia’s heterogeneous population has been considered one of the country’s many treasures since its early days of independence, showing that in spite of many differences, we are able to thrive as one.
Sumanto Al Qurtuby, an Indonesian professor of cultural anthropology who teaches at the King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, believes Indonesia’s national motto of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, or Unity in Diversity, is an achievable endeavor and that the archipelago could serve as an example to the rest of the world.
“Indonesia is an extremely diverse country, in terms of ethnicity, culture, religion and language … If we can be united amid such complexity, surely Arab countries with less diverse populations can find a way to unite,” Sumanto told the Jakarta Globe in an exclusive interview in Yogyakarta early this month.
Sumanto, who has taught in Saudi Arabia since 2014, said he has always shared the state ideology of Pancasila and the values of pluralism upheld by the Indonesian Constitution in his career and travels abroad.
Indonesian Muslims often look at countries in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, as primary examples of how to live an Islamic way of life, assuming that these countries have homogeneous populations.
Sumanto said he held similar views before moving to Saudi Arabia but that he soon discovered that it was not so.
“I used to think Arabia is this one, very uniform community, but after I began teaching there, I realized that wasn’t the case at all. It’s very plural and complex,” he said.
The people may share an Arab ethnicity, but they can also belong to different tribes and maddhab, or Islamic schools of thoughts.
He also pointed to the millions of Christians living in the region, including in Egypt and Syria, with around 8.9 million and 1.25 million, respectively, according to the 2011 World Christian Database.
“We have this perception of the Arab world that Muslims in the region are very closed off, close-minded and unwilling to have dialogue with non-Muslims. But what I experienced and felt was nothing like that,” Sumanto said.
The professor said the biggest problem in Indonesia is that there are lecturers with limited knowledge of the geocultural or geopolitical underpinnings of the Middle East, who express their opinions in public or academic settings and end up sharing an inadequate view of what is happening in the region.
For example, here in Indonesia the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as a clash between Muslims and Jews, which is an oversimplification of a complex situation.
“It’s not Muslim versus Jew at all, because there are a lot of people in the Jewish community that are anti-Zionist; who are not supporters of Israel’s policy,” Sumanto explained, referring to Zionism, a movement that supports the re-establishment of the Jewish homeland in the now-disputed territory.
Born in Batang, Central Java, Sumanto is a popular figure among Indonesian Facebook users for his commentaries on Indonesian politics and society. Through his Facebook account, this prominent academic often provides a humorous and assertive criticism to the contemporary discourse, which very often leans towards conservatism.
Sumanto, who acquired a doctorate from Boston University in Massachusetts, also established the United States-Canada and Saudi Arabia chapters of Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), to popularize moderate Islamic values abroad.
Along with dozens of other NU chapters overseas, he hopes to provide a better understanding of Indonesian Muslims in the rest of the world.
“So that the world out there doesn’t merely assume Indonesia is dominated by intolerant groups who are against pluralism, but that there are other Islamic groups in society who are working to keep a balance amid rising extremism in our society,” he said.
Whenever he visits Indonesia, Sumanto also presents public lecturers and attends discussions on various topics, such as Islam and nationhood.
Sumanto emphasized that conservatism is never an issue, but rather an essential part of the right to express. He said conservatism, as a matter of fact, is an ordinary part of religious life.
“You can very well wear robes or veils, if it is a reflection of your conservative values. However, we must be firm with those who are forcing that conservatism onto others, forcing others to do what they believe to be right,” Sumanto said.
Evidently, the world we live in today poses series of new challenges, many of which are threatening the aforementioned values of diversity.
While divisions have always existed throughout human history, social media has greatly enhanced the speed at which hatred and disinformation is propagated, therefore creating even wider divisions.
According to the professor, Indonesia’s diversity would only survive through a cultural and structural approach, as well as an active undertaking to preserve this value in society.
“If we’re only assuming a cultural approach without a more formal or legal policy, without reproaching those who are against diversity and pluralism, it simply won’t do. There must be a dedicated approach; if we simply let things run their course, Indonesia won’t progress,” Sumanto said.
A cultural approach is essential, and community-based efforts are required to raise continued awareness of the importance of preserving Indonesia’s diversity. Furthermore, these are critical to instill the knowledge that diversity is the foundation of our nationhood, he said.
Sumanto added that these efforts must be paired with appropriate regulations to serve as legal protection against those opposing pluralism.
“Social and cultural movements will not develop into a national culture without the support of adequate legal principles,” Sumanto stressed.
Tackling rising intolerance and sectarianism in the world’s fourth-most populous country would require everyone, from law enforcers to academicians and peace advocates, to participate and act.
“Everything must be centered on preserving diversity [and] Indonesia’s unity, so that it prevails. We can’t afford to see it collapse, just because we are clumsy and unwilling to prevent intolerance,” he said.
Source: Jakarta Globe

Uniting against Extremist Terrorism

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After the raid on two “kingpins” of Malaysian-born terrorists operations in Indonesia, namely “The Demolisher” Dr. Azahari Husin (2005) and “The Financier” Noordin M Top (2009), plus the capture—and then executions—of the Bali bombers, Indonesian people assumed that terrorist activities would end, and the country would be free from such violence. Unfortunately, terrorist attacks continued to persist.
After deadly attacks in Aceh, Medan (Sumatra) and in Cirebon (West Java), the terrorists recently targeted Surakarta, or Solo, in Central Java. These latest attacks are indeed a worrying sign of rising Islamist terrorist activity not only on the main island of Java but also in other parts of the archipelago.
It is significant to note that Indonesian terrorist groups, as the International Crisis Group (ICG) has reported, have built their institutional and personal networks not only in towns around Java but also in Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Maluku.
It is also worth underlining that some terrorist groups in the country are purely locally-based uncivilized civilian groupings that have nothing to do with Al-Qaida, a stateless international network of terrorists operating in, according to Zachary Abuza in his article “Al-Qaeda’s Asian Web of Terror” (Time Asia, 2002, 38-40), 50 countries stretching from the Middle East to the Philippines. Al-Qaida is no longer the “axis of global terrorism,” as international terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna revealed in his fine book, Inside Al Qaeda.
The Surakarta-based terrorist cell Tim Hisbah has been accused of being behind a series of recent terrorist activities in the country, including the bombing of a church in Surakarta last year. But the latest attacks in the city, as National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said, were possibly committed by a new radical group (The Jakarta Post, September 1, 2012).
Unlike Al-Qaida, Indonesia’s most current extremist groups do not target “distant” enemies, i.e., the Western (non-Muslim) “infidels,” but local (Muslim) “infidels,” including the police. Moreover, most strikingly, they no longer targeted “secular buildings” such as cafes, embassies or hotels belonging primarily to the United States or Australia, or a church. Rather, they target police posts and a police mosque, as was the case in Cirebon of West Java.
It is, therefore, obvious that these terrorist groups have now changed in terms of actors, interests, motives, objectives, financial resources, or perhaps even the ideology behind their deadly activities. Radical Islamist ideologies of Wahabism and Salafism might still play some roles but clearly these Islamic extremist philosophies are not the only source of present-day terrorism. Indonesia’s new terrorist cases suggest that Islamist terrorism has morphed into an ever-more decentralized series of networks, with new targets, tactics, financial resources, and the ability to capitalize on new grievances.
In light of the recent increases of terrorist attacks across the archipelago and given the plurality of actors engaged in their implementation as well as the complex nature of “new” terrorism, it is high time for the government and state apparatus to apply multiple, appropriate approaches and effective techniques of strategic counterterrorism aiming at two things: (1) dismantling the terrorist networks and, over the long term, (2) prevailing over the religious convictions or ideologies that give rise to terrorism.
In this regard, security and non-military strategies need to be taken into account. Although Densus 88 counterterrorism unit succeeded in capturing some terrorists and destroying some of their safe havens (which we must appreciate), they nonetheless have a burdensome task in trying to track down funds and change hearts and minds. Despite relative successes in the state-supported global campaign against terrorism, especially since the Bali blasts in 2002, more attacks from terrorists linked to various radical Muslim groups in the country have occurred since that year. Still, despite years of intensive attempts on the part of the government at weakening terrorist bases, terrorist networks remain resilient and are, perhaps, strengthening.
Following the observation of peace scholars David Cortright and George Lopez in their edited volume, Uniting Against Terror: Cooperative Nonmilitary Responses to the Global Terrorist Attack (2007), the “small” success in its efforts to combat terrorism perhaps owes it origin from an overemphasis on “tactical counterterrorism,” which focuses on finding, destroying, and defeating operative terrorist cells, while neglecting or de-emphasizing on “strategic counterterrorism,” which includes multiple policy responses designed to eliminate the sustaining and underlying conditions that feed extremist terrorism. In brief, the government is focusing too much on the “military approach,” while paying little attention to the “nonmilitary strategies.”
“Due to the global nature of the terrorist threat,” David Cortright and George Lopez (2007: 2-3) reminds us, “cooperative nonmilitary responses are necessary elements of counter-terrorism strategy.” No doubt, countering the multifaceted and complex threat of terrorism requires a broadly cooperative effort involving religious, legal, economic, political, cultural, and military cooperation from virtually every organization and grouping in the country.
Indonesia will never succeed in its “war on terror” if the government’s tools work in isolation from, or in conflict with, one another. Terrorists can die, but ideology never. Densus 88 can shoot them down, but they will not be able to kill the ideology—the underlying principle of terrorism!
Source: The Jakarta Post

Interfaith Provocateurs for Peace

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On September 11, 2011, when the United States commemorated the tenth anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, communal violence between Christians and Muslims broke out again in Ambon city of Maluku (the Moluccas) in northeastern Indonesia leading to damages, deaths, and injures. 

By September 13 of that year, markets, schools, and offices returned to normal, but Ambon had some 4,000 newly displaced persons (IDPs), some of whom had lost their homes for the third or fourth time in twelve years. “I just rebuilt my house for the third time, but now it was burned again,” Yongky Siahaya, a Christian from Talakke region of Ambon told me. The mass uprising certainly caused shock and aroused fear among local populations of a return to the disastrous Christian–Muslim violence that had wracked Ambon and the surrounding islands from 1999 to 2004.

Some commentators did indeed forecast in rush that the September riots were essentially a “new turbulence with an old pattern.” Media outlets, national and local, also compared the 2011 riots to that of 1999. It is imperative to note that even if the interreligious conflict of 1999 had formally ended with the signing of a peace deal in 2002 (called Malino II Peace Accord), tensions and suspicions between Christians and Muslims are still high in Maluku today that might provide a fertile ground for renewed outbreaks of violence.

The September unrest (2011) as well as communal violence in Universitas Pattimura (2010, 2011) and Pelauw of Haruku Island (2012) prove this assumption. However, it is wrong to compare the 2011 riot with that of 1999. Unlike the 1999 violence, which spread across the Moluccan Islands from Ambon city, Buru, and central Maluku (e.g. Seram, Haruku, Saparua) to Southeast Maluku (Tanimbar and Kei) and the northern areas of the archipelago (e.g. Ternate, Tidore, Tobelo, and Halmahera), the 2011 failed to tempt wider communities of Christians and Muslims to become involved in the fighting. As a result, the recent instances of collective conflict failed to reach other areas, and only occurred in isolated places in Ambon town.  

Peace Provocateurs  

The successful story of preventing Ambon town’s intergroup riots into wider areas of Maluku, it should be noted, cannot be separated from the hard work of Provokator Perdamaian (Peace Provocateurs), an informal voluntary association established in 2011 by a small group of Ambon’s Christians and Muslims following the September turmoil, whose tireless efforts in intergroup peacemaking, together with other faithful individuals and social groupings, have made seemingly impossible calm possible.

Members of Peace Provocateurs, comprising a diverse network of daring activists, students, journalists, academics, and religious leaders, both Christian and Muslim, have been able to utilize and maximize resource potential to avoid violent conflict, reduce violence when it does occur, create spaces for building trust and intergroup dialogue, strengthen commonality while minimizing discrepancy, and rebuild bridges between sides after chaos has ceased.

Founders of this interfaith group define Peace Provocateurs as a “community-based movement whose main objectives are to provoke peace, reinforce amity, and reduce tensions and the escalation of violence in Ambon city.” In particular, this interfaith alliance has two specific goals: defusing religious tensions and urging calm by dispelling rumors with the potential to inflame local populations into collective riots. To achieve these aims, this group uses multiple instruments, including print and electronic media (newspapers, TVs, cellular phones), Internet devices (Twitter, Facebook, emails), and friendship relations. In Ambon, intergroup fighting was often triggered by false rumors distributed by “invisible hands” by means of text messages or Internet devices.

Countering such rumors and false news by using the same tools as the instigators is therefore central and apt. The group certainly did more than send text messages and post pictures on the Internet to defuse tensions and generate calm. As Rev. Jacklevyn (Jacky) Manuputty, co-founder of this group, has remarked, “social media is only one tool” among many to build bridges between people with differences and divided communities.

Although the September violence ended, the group’s peacebuilding work continues until nowadays. For this group, peace is not simply marked by an absence of violence, which is often called “negative peace,” but also by the presence of just socio-cultural-political conditions that contribute to the shape of healthy and peaceful relations among individuals and social groupings. In this regard, peacebuilding for this group means an array of activities aiming at transforming violence and massive injustices into a just peace through various approaches and means including, but are not limited to, music, dance, theater, photography, storytelling, and sport, all of which are useful for bringing people together, bridging gaps, and building trust. Interfaith peacebuilding workshops, some of which involved international peace workers, are other key programs and activities undertaken by this group to transform destructive violence into productive peace.

Participants in the “interfaith workshops” varied, ranging from community leaders, village chiefs, and schoolteachers, to women, youth, religious leaders, and ex-members of militia groups from both Christians and Muslims. The training was designed not only to heal the wounds but also to generate intergroup harmony by developing, for instance, peace education, peace sermons, and peace journalism, as well as to produce peacemaking envoys. The group, moreover, utilizes networks of friendship in building peace. Jacky Manuputty said that in Ambon and Maluku in general strong and close interreligious friendship can be used as an effective medium of Christian–Muslim peacemaking and reconciliation.

Manuputty named his method of using friendship networks a “strategy of weaving a mat”. A conflict resolution practitioner, he believes that such friendship networks can be utilized to generate a “web of peace-builders,” and hence can be a powerful means of peacebuilding and reconciliation. Manuputty is an “icon of peace” in Maluku. Despite death threats and the destruction of his home by arson during the 1999 bloody violence, Manuputty continued to promote peace and interreligious harmony among the warring parties until nowadays Maluku, not only in Ambon city but also in other part of the archipelago. No wonder then if he was awarded “Peacemakers in Action” award in 2012 by New York-based Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding. Christian ethics and values of peace as well as the nonviolence practices of Jesus Christ have been instrumental in shaping Manuputty’s peacebuilding work.

Along with Muslim peace workers notably Dr. Abidin Wakano (Director of Ambon Mediation and Reconciliation Center) and Zairin “Embong” Salampassy (a journalist and human rights advocate), Manuputty has used his friendship networks of Christian and Muslim peace activists since the establishment of Peace Provocateurs in 2011 to develop multiple creative interfaith peacebuilding programs such as trauma healing workshops, peace sermons in churches and mosques, “live-ins” in houses of opposing religious groups, interfaith camps, and “art for peace” with the involvement of international peacemakers from India, Australia, England, and Africa. These activities in fact were able to air tensions, minimize suspicions, build trust, strengthen commonality, and create a public culture of tolerance and fraternity.  

Art for Peacebuilding  

Art for Peace is among the core and unique activities initiated and advanced by this group. The philosophy behind this program, Manuputty explains, is “to bridge social segmentation on the basis of religion, ethnicity, class, gender and the like by means of arts such as theater, dance, music, acrobat, etc.” Through these activities, he said, “people or communities who lived in the edge are connected to those in the center. As well, through these arts, people from different religion and ethnicity are demanded to work together in order to create harmony in the art performances.”

The form of the performance varies but usually the group began with asking local people to select a grand theme or a common folk story which is taken from their local traditions and cultures to be performed together by artists from Christian and Muslim. The group used IAIN (State Islamic College), UKIM (a Christian university), Universitas Pattimura (a state-owned university), and other public arenas (such as the main Lapangan Merdeka in the center of Ambon city) as places to perform the show. “More than 350 local artists (seniman) involved in this show,” Manuputty said. “This is not just a usual art performance but a presentation for peacebuilding,” Manuputty added to underscore the objective or “mission” of the art show.

As part of peacebuilding practices, the point of such performances, Manuputty said, is the interaction of inter-individual/groups of different religious affiliations which are then developed into friendship relations beyond religious/ethnic boundaries. A scholar of international peacebuilding Scott Appleby said: “At its core, peacebuilding is a process of fostering and sustaining interpersonal and cross-community relationships that draw on the human capacity for healing, reconciliation, and social transformation,” and “music, literature, and spiritual practice make the depths of human compassion and creativity accessible to this process.” Accordingly, Appleby explains, the arts deserve a prominent place in peacebuilding practice and scholarship. As Appleby has remarked, Peace Provocateurs, through “Art for Peace” program, have been able to restore friendship which are previously broken by violence, and keep this friendship networks to boost Christian-Muslim peace.

  Concluding Remarks  

Given the centrality of the role of religious leaders and communities in promoting sustainable peace in Ambon and the Moluccas in general, it is thus imperative to look for ways that go beyond the “liberal peace” frameworks that solely emphasize the role of formal peace accord, cease-fires, elections, and short-run peace operations carried out by international institutions, Western states, and political elites in attempts at building lasting peace in conflict-ravaged societies. Although “liberal peace” is necessary, it is not enough to establish a just and sustainable peace.

Narrowly defining the work of peace as bringing armed groups into a peace treaty fails to account for the elements that constitute a peaceful society. While no simple answer exists in solving ethno-religious conflicts worldwide, the Ambon case, at least, shows the ways in which religious and cultural resources, including arts, can still be utilized as a fruitful source for peacebuilding. Music, poems, dances, metaphors, and stories of sufferings and survival can be powerful resources to recover and reconnect previously “broken communities.”

The activities of this interfaith group productively bridged differing parties by building trust among them and strengthening friendship by means of creative acts; thereby helped reduce violence, improve dialogue, and promote peace. In fact, while some areas of Indonesia have been marked by religious intolerance, anti-religious minority actions, destructions of churches or mosques and other properties belonged to Ahmadi or Shii communities, Ambon is relatively free from such features. There is tendency in today’s Maluku that, instead of religion, in the aftermath of religious violence, ethnic difference, identification with clan (“clan-ism”) or ethnicity (“sukuisme”), and regionalism are becoming more pronounced that in some places could generate communal violence.      

Nelson Mandela, South Africa, and Indonesia

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The world mourns. Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s beloved first black president, anti-apartheid hero, and one of the world’s greatest champions of peaceful resistance, died at the age of 95 after being hospitalized for the pneumonia. His death undoubtedly stirs sense of loss around the globe. My tears also dropped down while writing this small piece of obituary. Born in July 18, 1918, Mandela’s father was a tribal chief of the Thembu, who named his son Rolihlahla meaning a “trouble maker” in the local language (Xhosa). The name “Nelson” was given by his teacher. However, South Africans called him Tata (“father”) and Madiba throughout his life in a sign of affection and respect for his clan.
 

A Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Mandela was not only an icon of fight against injustice, segregation, and oppression but also a teacher of patience, love, tolerance, and forgiveness, whose incredible lives have inspired many people on earth far beyond his village and country. Mandela’s tireless peaceful struggle against South Africa’s apartheid government resembled peacemakers Abdul Gaffar Khan (Badshah Khan) in Indo-Pakistan, Mahatma Gandhi in India, Martin Luther King, Jr., in the United States, to name but a few. It is thus not a hyperbole if Nadine Gordimer, South African writer and Nobel Laureate for Literature, once remarked that Mandela was “At the epicenter of our time, ours in South Africa, and yours, wherever you are.” Anglican priest and justice advocate Michael Lapsley called Mandela “everybody’s father, everybody’s grandfather.”  

Indeed, like Gandhi, Khan, and Dr. King, Mandela was truly an enduring source of love, peace, and compassion, and an inspiration of those, whoever and whenever they are, who believe that nonviolence and peaceful struggle can be used as a weapon to resist and overthrow a repressive, unjust rule. Mandela spent 27 years in jail, first in the notoriously brutal Robben Island prison and later in Pollsmoore Prison and Victor Verster Prison, after being convicted of treason—and conspiracy to overthrow—the nation’s apartheid government for his activities as an anti-colonial/apartheid activist and a member of the African National Congress (ANC), a long-banned liberation movement.  

After his release in 1990, due to an international campaign and pressure as well as with the help of Fredrik W. de Klerk, the last apartheid-era president who shared a Nobel Peace Prize with him, Mandela began to involve in subsequent meetings and negotiations to help pave the way toward political reforms and constitutional talks in order to end four decades of racial segregation and repression. Mandela also reached out to a scared white minority at the time after the collapse of the apartheid regime but approached them with smile not anger, with pardon not vengeance, with empathy not antipathy. He didn’t punish the “white regime” that made him and his beloved people suffer for years. Mandela didn’t take revenge against the whites, albeit they had systematically disgraced his people, tortured and murdered many of his friends, and cast him into prison for almost three decades.  

After tireless meetings and tense negotiations with the government, an election was set up to choose the country’s president, and Mandela, who led the ANC, was elected as the first black president of South Africa in the 1994 elections, the first anti-racial and fully democratic elections in the nation’s history. Robyn Dixon and Carol Williams in the Chicago Tribune note that during his five years of presidency (1994-1999), Mandela succeeded in bringing South Africa’s economy grew; a clean and good governance that are free from corruption and dictatorship was created; a new constitution (the Constitution of South Africa) that guarantees civil liberty, egalitarianism, and press freedom took root; and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), a court-like restorative justice body which has been a model of political reconciliation for many countries across the world undergoing violent conflicts, shed light on the dark deeds of apartheid.  

The Commission also granted amnesty to both blacks and whites accused of political violence and human rights abuse, a spirit of forgiveness for the sake of the goodness and the bright future of South Africa. Not only that, Mandela embraced the white people, transcended decades of racial division, and created what South Africans called a “Rainbow Nation.” Jesus’ teaching “Love your enemies”, added with his uneasy experiences in prisons, had shaped Mandela as the most human of humanitarians, the real father of a nation, the advocate of nonviolence movement, the guardian of peace and justice, and the inspiration of reconciliation.  

Although only one term served as a president and was succeeded by his deputy Thabo Mbeki (Mandela decided to decline to run for a second term in 1999, devoting the rest of his life for humanitarian and philanthropic activities), Mandela, due to his decades of peaceful resistance and his insistence on forgiveness over reprisal, was considered, wrote Lydia Polgreen in The New York Times, as a “potent symbol of the struggle to end this country’s brutally codified system of racial domination, and of the power of peaceful resolution in even the most intractable conflicts.”

Unfortunately, however, Mandela’s legacy of peace, tolerance, reconciliation, and anti-corruption has been threatened in recent years by post-Mandela governments (the current president Jacob Zuma is charged of corruption and power abuse), unhealthy bickering between factions in the ANC, the widespread disease and poverty, as well as social tensions and communal conflicts in a country that, despite its legacy of democracy and political liberation, still suffers great inequalities and intolerance. Indeed there is no detour way of achieving post-authoritarian democracy.

The late prominent political scientist Guillermo O’Donnell in his seminal volumes Transitions from Authoritarian Rule had warned the difficulties of handling transitional governments from dictatorship.   Indonesia in some respect has shared with South Africa, historically, culturally, and politically. Historically, both countries had been long occupied by the Dutch. In fact, the Dutch transported slaves from Indonesia as labor for the colonists in Cape Town. The Dutch also exiled some leading Muslim figures, most notably Sheikh Yusuf, a renowned Muslim scholar and anti-colonial activist from Makassar of Sulawesi. Sheikh Yusuf, along with his Muslim fellows, was exiled by the Dutch to the Cape Peninsula of South Africa in 1693, which resulted in the establishment of Muslim settlements in Cape Town and surrounding regions.

A South African notable scholar of Islam Abdulkader Tayob told to me that South Africa’s local histories also notice the remarkable influence of Sheikh Yusuf toward the local Muslim communities, and many Muslims in this nation consider Sheikh Yusuf a Muslim saint. Mandela himself called Sheikh Yusuf one of Africa’s greatest sons whose teachings, dedication, and struggle have inspired many people in the nation, and in 2005, South African government praised Sheikh Yusuf a national hero.     Moreover, South Africa and Indonesia also share the same features in terms of the plurality of ethnicity, religion, culture, and language.

In brief, both are a deep plural society. Last but not least, more significantly, the two countries are undergoing uneasy political transitions from an authoritarian rule, and struggling to overcome so many local issues and problems of corruption, violence, intolerance, and so forth. In the midst of difficult political transitions, both South Africa and Indonesia need—and dream of—a political figure and a father of nation like Nelson Mandela, who was able to forgive and embrace his (former) foes, respect the diversities, do justice to all perpetrators, clean government from corruption, and finally unite diverse ethno-religious groups to form a “Rainbow Nation”. Rest in peace, Tata Madiba.  

Local Leader Serves as Role Model for Peaceful, Pluralistic Indonesia

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Ibrahim Soulisa (a pseudonym) is neither a famous Muslim leader, a televised Islamic preacher, nor a celebrated religious commentator. Soulisa is just a village chief in the lonely, predominantly Muslim-populated Leihitu Peninsula on Maluku’s island of Ambon. Unlike most village chiefs in Indonesia, a ruler in this area historically and traditionally is a political, cultural and religious leader.

These regional village chiefs are thus responsible for taking care of adat (customary law), ritual sermons, religious festivals and communal feasts, in addition to governmental and political affairs. It is hence the job of these local leaders to act as stewards over much of village life, including keeping the peace, fostering tolerance and maintaining traditions inherited by their ancestors.

Driven by this responsibility, Soulisa once mobilized villagers to stop intolerant dakwah (Islamic propagation) and religious indoctrination committed by a tiny militant group of non-Ambonese Wahhabis and Salafis. The chief cast the group out of the village, labeling them provocateurs of conflict, destroyers of traditional adat, disturbers of religious harmony and intruders of social order and stability.

Soulisa did so because Islamic characters the group tried to introduce contradicted local beliefs, traditions, cultures and common practices.

“They wanted to seize our mosques with foreign fanatical teachings,” the village head explained.

Indeed, unlike most villages in Ambon, where Christians and Muslims typically live in different areas or blocks, Soulisa’s village historically had intermixed the two religious groups before the Ambon mayhem erupted in 1999.

In the aftermath of the Ambon conflict, which took place from 1999-03, the Salafi and Wahhabi groups aggressively preached puritanical forms of Islam, religious intolerance and Islamic extremism in attempts to compel and influence Ambonese Moluccan Muslims to follow their ideas.

While most Ambonese Muslims respect adat customs such as tahlilan (recitation and praise for God and the Prophet Muhammad), ziarah kubur (pilgrimage to graves), ritual meals, and pela-gandong (inter-religious cooperation), this group deemed such practices as ungodly traditions or un-Islamic in nature. They espoused the adat traditions’ elimination in order to maintain the purity of Islamic teachings.

“The peace of Ambon and Maluku had been destroyed by foreign jihadists,” Soulisa said to me, “and now I don’t want them to deceive my people and ruin again my peaceful and beautiful soil of Maluku.”

The Salafis and Wahhabis first entered Ambon during the Christian-Muslim violence that broke out in this region and other parts of the Maluku islands in 1999. It lasted for a period of more than four years.

Months after signing a peace accord in February 2002, most members of the jihadist groups, notably Laskar Jihad (Warriors of Jihad), left Ambon city and returned to their Java homes. However some remained in the area, particularly in Batu Merah, Kebun Cengkeh, Kota Jawa, and Seram. They then married local women and built a mosque known as “Masjid Laskar,” Islamic schools, and pengajian (Koranic studies centers).

Since the end of the Ambon conflict, the group has transformed its objectives and orientations from politics to moral and dakwah movements that emphasize the sanctity of Islam. Regrettably, however, in doing so the group very often uses harsh, disrespectful and intolerant methods.

At a time when Muslim hard-liners and “Salafi-Wahhabi viruses” have crept across Indonesia, this archipelago needs more people like Soulisa who have the courage to counter “extremist blitzes” and the responsibility to safeguard their territory and people from such religious groups. More specifically, government officials across the country need to learn from this daring village chief.

It is worth noting that in post-Suharto Indonesia, as reported by the Wahid Institute and other nongovernmental organizations dedicated to local human rights, there were hundreds of inter- and intra-religious clashes, and numerous incidences of intolerance and intimidation. The cases have included attacks against some churches, Islam’s Ahmadiyah sect and minority Shiite Muslims.

The Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace reported 371 incidents of religious violence in 2012, the highest level since 2007 and most of which remain unresolved. Unfortunately, the government, for the most part, rarely acts firmly against those that commit violence or human rights violations, nor do they adequately work to prevent discrimination or the fomentation of religious hatred.

Worse yet, this lack of government action and the absence of a security apparatus has bolstered sectarian religious groupings. This has also contributed to a growing use of the country’s blasphemy law to put on trial local sects, beliefs, or religious groups that they recklessly and erroneously label deviant.

It is the job of government and security forces to protect all citizens, regardless of their ethno-religious backgrounds, from feelings of insecurity and onslaughts from anyone or any group that tries to destabilize the nation, provoke interreligious discord, spread prejudice or stir up intergroup conflict. Like Soulisa, the government and all elements of society should leave no room for compromise with these violent religious groupings. This country does not belong to Muslims or Sunnis, and much less Salafis-Wahhabis who “coquettishly” claim to be the majority. This nation belongs to all citizens, regardless of their religious and ethnic affiliations.

Indonesia was born out of an enormous collaboration of diverse ethno-religious groups and pluralist-nationalistic leaders. Without them the dream of establishing an inclusive nation-state would have never been realized. Everyone has the right to live safely in this country and freely practice what they believe. After all, it is guaranteed by the national Pancasila ideology and the Constitution of 1945.

Source: Jakarta Globe

King Abdullah and Quest for Reform in Saudi Arabia

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The “dark side” of Saudi Arabia is widely known: “exporter” of global terrorism, source of Islamic fanaticism and militancy linked to Wahhabi teachings, lack of protection for religious minorities, anti-Shiite campaigns, zero women empowerment, undemocratic rule, etcetera. But this is not the only story of the world’s largest producer of crude oil and its 26 million people. Since King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz (b. 1924) assumed power following the death of his half-brother King Fahd in 2005, Saudi Arabia, birthplace of Islam and home to two of the Muslim world’s holiest places (Mecca and Medina), has undergone major change and progress in terms of domestic and global affairs.

Over the past seven years, King Abdullah, the tenth son of the founder of modern Saudi Arabia, King Abdul Aziz, has transformed his palace with a wide range of vital reform initiatives ranging from policies on education and women to interfaith gatherings and peacebuilding. Rob Sobhani, author of “King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia: A Leader of Consequence,” wrote in Forbes magazine that the king’s domestic policies, coupled with his active involvement in religious peacemaking and interfaith meetings, has contributed to the creation of a “new climate of dialogue and openness, challenged the obscurantist clerical establishment, created openings for women, and liberalized the economy.”

Among numerous policy shifts made by the monarch, at least four issues deserve special mention: education, religious affairs, interfaith engagement and women’s emancipation.

In education, the ruler has applied a vast government scholarship program that enables this vibrant and rapidly developing country to send its students — of both sexes — to Western universities, particularly in Western Europe, North America and Australia, for undergraduate and graduate studies in various fields and disciplines. The program, which offered funds for tuition and living expenses for up to four years, resulted in more than 70,000 students pursuing a degree in some 25 countries. In the United States alone there are more than 22,000 Saudi students. In the future, graduates of these Western schools will certainly boost further reformation in both religious and political domains for this Islamic monarchy.

Moreover, in religious education, the ruler has allowed Muslim minorities such as Shiites, who make up roughly 3 percent of the nation’s total population, and followers of non-Wahhabi schools of law ( mazhab) to use their own religious texts in schools. The king also revised national curricula by inserting non-Wahhabi materials aiming at understanding other religions and non-Wahhabi teachings. He also permitted Shiites to celebrate publicly their religious holidays. To smoothen his educational reforms, this visionary king replaced the existing minister of education with reform-minded scholar Faisal bin Abdullah. He also assigned Nora binti Abdullah al-Fayez, a US-trained academic, as deputy education minister to lead and oversee a new division in the ministry for female students.

But the king’s restoration in religious affairs continues. Realizing there were many undemocratic judicial decisions made by judges, the sovereign initiated a review of verdicts and provided more professional training for Shariah judges. The king has repeatedly said that those who rule must be just and honest. He also issued a decree stating that only Islamic scholars allied to the Senior Council of Ulema would be permitted to issue a fatwa (a non-binding opinion by a Muslim jurist or mufti). The order also instructed the Grand Mufti to classify eligible reform-minded scholars to be included in the council.

Religious engagement is another part of King Abdullah’s great legacy. Long before he ascended the throne, the king had initiated a series of intra-religious meetings with non-Wahhabi leaders in the country, including the celebrated Shiite scholar Hasan al-Saffar. The king also engaged with non-Muslim leaders. In 2007, the king had a historic meeting with Pope Benedict XVI in the Apostolic Palace, making him the first Saudi monarch to visit the leader of the Roman-Catholic Church.

After subsequent visits to, and encounters with, non-Muslim religious leaders, the monarch called for a “brotherly and sincere dialogue between believers of all religions.” He then appealed to Muslim clerics and Wahhabi leaders to engage with Jewish and Christian leaders. As an outcome of the king’s initiatives, a huge interfaith meeting took place in Madrid in 2008. Not only that, the king also established a King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz International Center for Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue (based in Vienna) — a collaboration between Saudi Arabia, Spain and Austria.

Lastly, concerning women issues, King Abdullah again made history. Recently he issued a decree that allowed women to be members of the empire’s previously all-male Shura Council, an appointed advisory body whose main task is to compose drafts of laws and counsel for the king. The king amended the law on the Shura Council to make sure that women would make up no less than 20 percent of the 150-member council. The emperor then appointed 30 women, who “are highly qualified and experienced in various fields” according to Saudi journalist Maha Akeel. University graduates, human rights activists and two princesses joined the council.

The decree has indeed marked a critical breakthrough in the nation that applies a rigid version of Shariah law and imposes stringent restrictions on females. It is worth noting that this is not the first time for the king that made an important decision to empower women. In 2011, he granted women the right to vote and run as candidates in local elections.

In a response to this “controversial” policy, a group of Wahhabi hard-liners and conservative clerics protested on the streets outside the royal palace in Riyadh. They saw the decree as a dangerous change for the country and a violation of Islamic Shariah. Yet despite the overwhelming protests from “old-fashioned” Wahhabis, King Abdullah continues to apply the decree because, as he affirms, “we refuse to marginalize women’s role in Saudi society.”

King Abdullah’s remarkable efforts and policies sketched above might provide one important reason why the political unrest that has rocked the Arab and North African region since late 2010 has only lightly touched Saudi Arabia. This may be more important than the “bribery” of the people into obedience and loyalty by means of massive fiscal stimulus and welfare benefits, as many analysts have assumed.

Indeed, the massive changes in Saudi Arabia offer an important example for Indonesia, as many of the Saudi-influenced clerics and Muslim leaders who reside here, unfortunately, have so far failed to take notice.

Source: Jakarta Globe

In The Spirit of Tolerance, Merry Christmas to my Christian Friends

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As many other Muslims in Indonesia, I was born and raised in a Muslim family. My father, who died in January 2011 at the age of 85, was a rural modin (a religious official in a village), a modest imam (a prayer leader), and a poor farmer in a small and isolated village in the highland of Central Java. He was the first man who introduced Islam in the village and taught basic Islamic teachings to the villagers, which I later continued upon my return from an Islamic boarding school (pesantren). My father was no zealot. In fact, my father befriended a foreign Catholic elementary school teacher, named Sumanto, who lived with him — and his family — for years in my parents’ modest house during his time of service as a teacher in the village.

Throughout the years, my father told me, both shared many things — food, jokes, stories, culture and sciences while still respecting each other’s faith and tradition. When Muslims celebrated Idul Fitri, Sumanto gave my father a present — usually a sarung, peci or other clothes — and wished him a happy holiday. And when Christmas came, my father always gave Sumanto a small gift and wished him a Merry Christmas.

Perhaps due to their close friendship, and as a sign of respect, my father later named his youngest son, me, Sumanto. “I wish you someday will become a good person like him,” my father once told me before God took his soul.

Having had a strong spirit of religious tolerance, my father has indeed influenced my journey in life. Upon finishing my studies at Islamic schools in Central Java, I have befriended many non-Muslims, from Chinese Buddhists and Javanese Hindus to Protestants, Catholics, and Mennonites, hoping to learn from many different cultures and religions. As my father taught me, it is impossible to comprehend the depth and beauty of Islam without understanding the spiritual essence of other faiths.

My father was certainly not alone. And neither was Sumanto.

There are millions of Muslims in the archipelago who have been living peacefully side by side with people of other faiths for centuries. There are also millions of Christians in the countryside who live tolerantly with Muslims. From time to time, Christians have shared joys and blessings with fellow Muslims during the Idul Fitri holidays, and vice versa, Muslims have shared happiness with Christians during Christmas. In Maluku, for instance, there is a peaceful local tradition and social institution called “pela-gandong,” in which Christians and Muslims are tied in the spirit of brotherhoods (basudara). It was established long before European colonizers came to these Spice Islands in the sixteenth century and continues until today.

It is imperative to note that for most Indonesian Muslims and Christians, Idul Fitri and Christmas have become a “shared culture” and a symbol of togetherness and tolerance, not simply an expression of religious belief. It is thus not surprising if both religious groups have shown deference and gratitude. Such a peaceful and tolerant interreligious tradition was deeply rooted in the ancient local wisdom of bhinneka tunggal ika (“oneness amid diversity”), which has served for centuries to reconcile and unite — linguistically, culturally and religiously — diverse populations.

Still, such a philosophy, which later became an official motto of Indonesia, had influenced many great and wise ancestors of the country from Walisongo (the “Nine Saints” — the early preachers of Islam in Java) who taught respect for Javanese Hindus and Buddhists (like Sunan Kudus who forbade Muslims to eat beef, out of respect for Hindu beliefs), to the 16th-century Muslim founders of the second Islamic Mataram dynasty who, as Mustofa Bisri and Holland Taylor have aptly noted in Strategic Review magazine, had deliberately established “freedom of conscience for all Javanese, a full two centuries before the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom and the Bill of Rights that separated church and state” in the United States.

More importantly, the character of bhinneka tunggal ika had inspired and informed Indonesia’s founding fathers to create an open-inclusive state ideology of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, the primary foundation of this nation-state, which reach beyond ethno-religious boundaries.

Against this backdrop, the recent rigid fatwa issued by conservative factions of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) — which explains that Muslims should refrain from saying Merry Christmas to Christians — strongly contradicts the common traditional practices and beliefs of peaceful coexistence between Muslims and other believers, as well as the spirit of the nation’s ideology and constitution.

The recent fatwa was actually based on the 1981 fatwa of MUI, issued under the leadership of Buya Hamka and signed by Syukri Ghazali, chairman of MUI’s Fatwa Commission at the time. That fatwa was rooted in the work of the 13th-century reformist scholar Ibn Taimiyah (d. 1328), who, in his “Iqtida al-Sirat al-Mustaqim,” denounces as “haram” to practice of Muslims wishing Christians a Merry Christmas because this was considered to be a form of tacit endorsement of the Christian faith.

But in present-day Indonesia, because it is in contradiction with popular beliefs and practices, the MUI fatwa has been met with outrage, from both non-MUI religious elites and ordinary people. On Facebook and Twitter, for instance, instead of respect, Muslims have ridiculed MUI, which they dub a “troublemaker,” “provocateur,” and supporter of religious bigotry.

More significantly, such a seemingly intolerant and narrow-minded fatwa has also opposed the fundamental teaching of the Koran as rahmatan lil ‘alamin — a “blessing and a source of love and compassion for all humanity” — and the tolerant practices of the Prophet Muhammad, who befriended and built contacts with many Christians, including the famous Negus of Abyssinia (now Ethiopia), as discussed by early biographers of the prophet such as Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Hisham, Baladhuri, and Tabari. As a result, some spiritual and moral values of Eastern Christianity (e.g. Syrian Orthodox beliefs), which had entered the Middle East since the time of St. Paul, have influenced and shaped some foundations of Islamic teachings.

When the Prophet Muhammad said, “I felt the Holy Spirit ( nafs al-rahman ) from Yemen,” he was referring to Jesus. The Koran also mentions (Sura Al-Ma’ida (5), verse 82, for instance) the community of Christian priests, which it depicts as “learned, humble, and not arrogant.” Respected Muslim scholar Mahmoud Ayoub — among many others — in his many books has discussed Christian aspects of Islam and the peaceful coexistence between early Muslims and Christians.

In the spirit of tolerance and peace taught by Islam, the Koran, the Prophet Muhammad, my father and our collective Indonesian forebears, I wish all Christians, wherever you live on this planet, a very Merry Christmas.

Source: Jakarta Globe

Engaging Extremists Key To Peace

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For many people, the Rev. Paulus Hartono, a Mennonite church minister in Solo, Central Java, might be seen as a “deranged Christian.” While most people in this country, especially Christians and other religious minorities, tend to avoid hard-line Muslims, this pastor approached — and then befriended — members of Hizbullah (“Party of God,” a Solo-based Islamist paramilitary group not related to Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah).

The basis of what is now a solid friendship, it should be noted, is not to foster violence but rather to transform destructive conflict into productive peace. For years, the pastor and Mennonite communities in Central Java have worked together with this group, members of Nahdlatul Ulama, non-Mennonite Christians and other elements of local society for humanitarian services, post-disaster relief, interreligious dialogue and peacemaking activities.

Mennonites are Christians in the Anabaptist peace church tradition, which has membership of more than 1.3 million worldwide. Based on the 2006 census of the Mennonite World Conference, there are 72,624 Mennonites in Indonesia, making it the world’s sixth-largest Mennonite concentration.

Compared with other militia groups such as Laskar Jihad, the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), and Laskar Mujahidin, Hizbullah is less-known by scholars and the Indonesian public in general. Notwithstanding the lack of academic and media coverage, however, Hizbullah had indeed contributed to numerous intolerant actions and anti-Christian campaigns in Solo and neighboring areas. During the Christian-Muslim upheavals in Poso and Ambon, this group also deployed hundreds of its members to these conflict zones to assist their Muslim brethren, joining forces with other Muslim hardliners to battle against Christian fighters.

Paulus Hartono, a director of Mennonite Diaconial Services, which is an agency of Muria Christian Church, first approached Hizbullah about a decade ago to offer a hand in mediating disputes over the group’s radio station (known Hiz FM). When the pastor first came to Hizbullah’s headquarters, the commander refused to speak with him, telling him only: “You are a Christian and infidel, and therefore it is halal [legitimate] for us [Muslims] to murder you.”

Despite the rude response, the pastor did not give up. He returned again and again to Hizbullah’s office to drink tea, chat and offer help. Paulus, who co-founded the Forum for Peace Across Religions and Groups (FPLAG), believes that at the most basic level militia members are no different from anyone else; they are, above all, human beings who share the same brains and hearts, minds and feelings, hates and loves. After frequent meetings and talks, the commander finally agreed with Hartono’s bid to make a new radio station, knowing that the pastor had both skills and resources. Now, the commanding officer is happy because Hizbullah has its own radio station to spread Islamic dakwah (propagation).

“Before building peace,” the pastor told me, “one needs to build trust first, and establishing trust among ‘enemies’ is unlike flipping our hand palms.” The pastor may be right: the failure of the completion of peace accords in some societies across the globe is probably rooted in deep distrust among the conflicting parties.

Unlike most other areas in Indonesia, Solo is quite unique. Up to now, Solo has preserved courtly traditions inherited from the Islamic Mataram kingdom, which was established in the 17th century. As the home of the Islamic Mataram Empire and later the Surakarta Court (Keraton Surakarta Hadiningrat), Solo has rich Javanese cultural and mystical traditions. Since the founding of this kingdom, Solo has served as a melting pot of diverse ethnicities, social groupings, cultures and religions, which drive the region to both intercommunity pacification and infrequent clashes between ethno-religious groups.

Besides serving as a rich cultural center, Solo, unfortunately, is also notorious as a “home ground” of Islamist and terrorist groups. In this area, Abu Bakar Bashir, a conservative-militant Muslim leader of Hadhrami-Arab descent and the “Supreme Leader” of Jemaah Islamiyah, which the US government has dubbed as Southeast Asia’s axis of global terrorism, built a pesantren (Islamic boarding school) as a center for seeding Wahhabi-Salafi-linked puritanical forms of Islamic teachings. Most if not all members of Hizbullah are affiliated with this pesantren. It is thus not startling why religious views of this group are bigoted and anti-Christian.

After establishing trust — and acquaintance — with Hizbullah leaders, there came the big moment that transformed the relationship between the pastor and the commander: the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. In response to this tragedy, as Mennonite scholar David Shenk wrote, the pastor invited the commander and members of this group to come to Aceh, the area hardest hit, aiming at working with a Christian team in the post-tsunami reconstruction. The project was supported by the Mennonite Central Committee, a North American relief and development agency. Remarkably, the Hizbullah leaders accepted the call, and then joined the team. For months this unique group of volunteers worked together to rebuild broken houses and public facilities. They also ate together and slept together in tents.

Aceh didn’t mark the end of this interfaith relief effort. When huge earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, which claimed thousands of lives and destroyed tens of thousands of homes, hit Yogyakarta and parts of Central Java, they worked together again, assisting thousands of people and preparing sites to rebuild 100 Christian and Muslim homes. Not only that, they also collaborated to rebuild damaged mosques and churches.

After years of collaboration and friendship, one day the commander suddenly sobbed. His tears dropped down moistening his cheeks. In front of Rev. Paulus Hartono, he said, or, perhaps more precisely, confessed: “When I reflect on what we have talked and done to you and Christians, and then I see and witness what you and Christians have reciprocated [with love and compassion], my heart has melted within me. Now, I have realized and discovered that you Christians are good infidels.”

Their work for peace and humanity continues to this day.

This short story is a reminder that engaging extremists can be a fruitful way to boost interethnic or religious peace and integration. The peace-building pioneer John Paul Lederach reminds us: “One cannot build a bridge starting from the middle.” This statement is a strong critique to those working for peace and dialogue who focus on strengthening moderates while neglecting extremists.

It is time to change our lens.

Source: Jakarta Globe